The self-declared republic of Somaliland voted this past weekend for a new president. Somaliland is the one corner of Somalia that functions, but the international community refuses recognize it as a nation-state. Is the West scuppering its best chance for democracy in the region?

In this June 26 photo Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo, chairman of the KULMIYE Party, waves to his supporters at a polling station where he arrived to cast his vote in Hargeisa, in the self-declared republic of Somaliland. Silanyo has said he hopes the presidential election will help win Somaliland international recognition.
(Barkhad Kaariye/AP/File)

Johannesburg, South Africa

A little over a year ago, I boarded an aged Russian propeller plane in Djibouti for a short flight into Somaliland. It was my first and, so far, my only visit to that self-declared republic, which broke away from Somalia 20 years ago while no one seemed to be looking.

Strangely enough, the world still isn’t looking.

Last weekend, Somaliland held elections and – unlike elections in more respectable nation-states like Kenya, Sudan, and Burundi – there were no claims of foul play, no international election observers citing “irregularities.” Not even a “hanging chad.” Al Qaeda issued warnings for voters not to participate, but the voters ignored them. And when the results came in, and the country’s president lost, there was a peaceful transfer of power to the president’s rival.

Of course, it’s easy to ignore Somaliland. Unlike Sudan, Nigeria, and Angola, it doesn’t produce oil. Unlike Burundi, it hasn’t had a recent spate of genocide. Unlike Kenya, it isn’t a vibrant commercial hub for the region with occasional self-destructive tendencies. Somaliland’s biggest export is mutton, and I can’t remember the last time the international community intervened in a country over mutton. Even when it’s nice and lean.

But perhaps more importantly, the international community doesn’t intervene unless a country is in crisis. Quiet, poor, functional states – like well-behaved children – well, they tend to get ignored.

If Somaliland is the good child, then Somalia itself is the petulant brat. Somalia – the nation that technically still includes Somaliland and all the villages and pirate ports in between down to the border with Kenya – has been at war with itself for more than 20 years. Its disintegration after the fall of President Siad Barre in 1991 prompted President George Bush to send in US Marines to secure food deliveries. Continued conflict among Somali warlords for control of what was left of Mogadishu – and the death of 18 US Army Rangers (Black Hawk Down) – prompted President Bill Clinton to withdraw them a few months later.

Since then, Somalia has been the poster child of ungovernability. Nearly 2.5 million Somalis rely entirely on food aid from the UN’s World Food Programme for survival, to the tune of $485 million a year. Some 6,100 African Union peacekeepers keep a tottering transitional Somali government alive in the perhaps five square blocks of Mogadishu that the government still controls.

Lack of government control allows criminal gangs, arms smugglers, and piracy to thrive in the many small ports that dot the Somali coast. A European Naval Force patrolling the Gulf of Aden to protect commercial ships costs perhaps $300 million a year.

For all the world’s attention to Somalia, it’s hard to see the improvement in the lives of ordinary Somalis. Warlords still control much of the populated south, and while they tend to justify their actions with religious edicts these days, there’s not much difference between the cruelty of Al Shabab and the cruelty of an old-school warlord like Mohamad Farah Aideed. Food aid keeps millions alive, but they can have the unintended consequences of enriching all those charming warlords.

The fact that Somaliland hasn’t been dragged down into that same abyss by their petulant cousins is more than a miracle; it’s an act of sheer will. Its mere existence gives lie to the notion that Somalis can’t govern themselves, that clan rivalries and corruption and political Islam are destined to drag the Horn of Africa to depths of misery unseen since the Dark Ages.

But how long can a poor, quiet, functional country hold out in such a dangerous region? Why should it continue to arrest pirate gangs in its “territorial waters” when it barely has three boats to call a navy? And how to guarantee that this well-behaved country continues to act in its own peaceful self-interest?

The answer is simple, according to Somaliland’s new President, Ahmed Mahmud Silanyo, whom I interviewed when he was still just a presidential candidate.

“We are a nation and a state, we are a people aspiring to be recognized,” Mr. Silanyo said, during an interview at his home in the capital, Hargeisa. “The reason we are an oasis of peace in the region is that we are all committed to the principle of peace and coexistence with our neighbors.”

But a country that is cut off from trade with the rest of the world cannot survive, he added. “People are leaving this country by the thousands. You see the condition of the roads, the condition of our cities, the lack of development. Why doesn’t the world recognize us, when we are a people who want to live in peace?”

It’s a worthy question that deserves an answer.

RELATED STORIES:

Jun 06^th, 2010

 Dr. Mohamed A Omar (Hargeisa Somaliland, SomalilandGlobe.com) In the run up to the upcoming presidential election scheduled Jun26 2010, KULMIYE Foreign Affairs Secretary, Dr. Mohamed A Omar, released statement discussing the Kulmiye Party foreign affairs policy. Dr. Mohamed A Omar, says KULMIYE will develop and improve Somaliland’s political, economic and security relations with the neighbouring countries including Ethiopia and Djibouti.

“KULMIYE’s approach to foreign affairs will be guided by a firm commitment to peace, freedom and good neighbourliness. In our engagement with the world, we will pursue these values, as we believe they offer foundations for a long-term stability and prosperity in our country and in the region.

Our main foreign policy goals are security, self-determination, economic development and peaceful co-existence. KULMIYE government will actively seek to become a member of international bodies, preserve Somaliland national sovereignty and achieve political recognition. We will also promote free economy and encourage foreign investment.

We will improve our international relations by deepening our engagement with the African states, America and Europe. We will also establish a relationship with the Arab world to work on areas of common interest.

Promoting Somaliland interest internationally will require positive home stories. Therefore, we will consolidate our democratic system and deny extremist groups the opportunity to find a safe haven in our country.

We will work with the international community in protecting Somaliland from terrorist attacks. In doing so, we will establish common approaches with our international partners to common problems such as terrorism.

KULMIYE government will call on all parties involved in political and military conflicts in the region to choose for a democratic path to advance their interests and to redress injustices. And, we will have a “non-interference policy” in the affairs of other states.

We will support an inclusive political dialogue to achieve a broader consensus among the parties in dispute in the Horn of Africa to bring an end to the prolonged regional confrontations. We believe that the security challenges in this region require a comprehensive peace approach as opposed to forming alliances and proxies.

Economic development, security and self-determination will play a key role in our foreign policy while maintaining the principles of non-alignment, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes and adherence to the international laws. To achieve Somaliland national interest, KULMIYE uses effective diplomatic tools”.

Somalilandglobe.com

The secret directive, signed in September by Gen. David H. Petraeus, authorizes the sending of American Special Operations troops to both friendly and hostile nations in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Horn of Africa to gather intelligence and build ties with local forces. Officials said the order also permits reconnaissance that could pave the way for possible military strikes in Iran if tensions over its nuclear ambitions escalate.

While the Bush administration had approved some clandestine military activities far from designated war zones, the new order is intended to make such efforts more systematic and long term, officials said. Its goals are to build networks that could “penetrate, disrupt, defeat or destroy” Al Qaeda and other militant groups, as well as to “prepare the environment” for future attacks by American or local military forces, the document said. The order, however, does not appear to authorize offensive strikes in any specific countries.

In broadening its secret activities, the United States military has also sought in recent years to break its dependence on the Central Intelligence Agency and other spy agencies for information in countries without a significant American troop presence.

General Petraeus’s order is meant for small teams of American troops to fill intelligence gaps about terror organizations and other threats in the Middle East and beyond, especially emerging groups plotting attacks against the United States.

But some Pentagon officials worry that the expanded role carries risks. The authorized activities could strain relationships with friendly governments like Saudi Arabia or Yemen — which might allow the operations but be loath to acknowledge their cooperation — or incite the anger of hostile nations like Iran and Syria. Many in the military are also concerned that as American troops assume roles far from traditional combat, they would be at risk of being treated as spies if captured and denied the Geneva Conventionprotections afforded military detainees.

The precise operations that the directive authorizes are unclear, and what the military has done to follow through on the order is uncertain. The document, a copy of which was viewed by The New York Times, provides few details about continuing missions or intelligence-gathering operations.

Several government officials who described the impetus for the order would speak only on condition of anonymity because the document is classified. Spokesmen for the White House and the Pentagon declined to comment for this article. The Times, responding to concerns about troop safety raised by an official at United States Central Command, the military headquarters run by General Petraeus, withheld some details about how troops could be deployed in certain countries.

The seven-page directive appears to authorize specific operations in Iran, most likely to gather intelligence about the country’s nuclear program or identify dissident groups that might be useful for a future military offensive. The Obama administration insists that for the moment, it is committed to penalizing Iran for its nuclear activities only with diplomatic and economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the Pentagon has to draw up detailed war plans to be prepared in advance, in the event that President Obama ever authorizes a strike.

“The Defense Department can’t be caught flat-footed,” said one Pentagon official with knowledge of General Petraeus’s order.

The directive, the Joint Unconventional Warfare Task Force Execute Order, signed Sept. 30, may also have helped lay a foundation for the surge of American military activity in Yemen that began three months later.

Special Operations troops began working with Yemen’s military to try to dismantle Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, an affiliate of Osama bin Laden’s terror network based in Yemen. The Pentagon has also carried out missile strikes from Navy ships into suspected militant hideouts and plans to spend more than $155 million equipping Yemeni troops with armored vehicles, helicopters and small arms.

Officials said that many top commanders, General Petraeus among them, have advocated an expansive interpretation of the military’s role around the world, arguing that troops need to operate beyond Iraq and Afghanistan to better fight militant groups.

The order, which an official said was drafted in close coordination with Adm. Eric T. Olson, the officer in charge of the United States Special Operations Command, calls for clandestine activities that “cannot or will not be accomplished” by conventional military operations or “interagency activities,” a reference to American spy agencies.

While the C.I.A. and the Pentagon have often been at odds over expansion of clandestine military activity, most recently over intelligence gathering by Pentagon contractors in Pakistan and Afghanistan, there does not appear to have been a significant dispute over the September order.

A spokesman for the C.I.A. declined to confirm the existence of General Petraeus’s order, but said that the spy agency and the Pentagon had a “close relationship” and generally coordinate operations in the field.

“There’s more than enough work to go around,” said the spokesman, Paul Gimigliano. “The real key is coordination. That typically works well, and if problems arise, they get settled.”

During the Bush administration, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld endorsed clandestine military operations, arguing that Special Operations troops could be as effective as traditional spies, if not more so.

Unlike covert actions undertaken by the C.I.A., such clandestine activity does not require the president’s approval or regular reports to Congress, although Pentagon officials have said that any significant ventures are cleared through the National Security Council. Special Operations troops have already been sent into a number of countries to carry out reconnaissance missions, including operations to gather intelligence about airstrips and bridges.

Some of Mr. Rumsfeld’s initiatives were controversial, and met with resistance by some at the State Department and C.I.A. who saw the troops as a backdoor attempt by the Pentagon to assert influence outside of war zones. In 2004, one of the first groups sent overseas was pulled out of Paraguay after killing a pistol-waving robber who had attacked them as they stepped out of a taxi.

A Pentagon order that year gave the military authority for offensive strikes in more than a dozen countries, and Special Operations troops carried them out in Syria, Pakistan and Somalia.

In contrast, General Petraeus’s September order is focused on intelligence gathering — by American troops, foreign businesspeople, academics or others — to identify militants and provide “persistent situational awareness,” while forging ties to local indigenous groups.

Thom Shanker and Eric Schmitt contributed reporting.

Source: The New York Times, May 24, 201

Somaliland  2^nd Democratic  Presidential Election in Sight: 26 June,2010 

•  
  1. Introduction

In their 29^th of May, 2010 meeting, the ISG members discussed the preparation for the upcoming Presidential election to be held on the 26^th of June, 2010, and the recent process of the Voter List Display and Replacement of cards conducted in all regions and districts of Somaliland. The meeting was sponsored by the Social Research and Development Institute (SORADI). It was moderated by its Director, Dr. Mohamed Fadal. The Somaliland Independent Scholar’s Group (ISG) members are all long-term participants of Somaliland rebuilding and democratization process, who are considered to be highly competent to provide an objective analysis and strategy to address the issues at hand. The ISG members are: Abdi-shakur Sh Ali-Jowhar (Psychiatrist and political analyst: warkamaanta.com), Amina Mohamoud Warsame (Executive Director of NAGAAD); Abdilkadir H Ismail Jirde (Ex-Deputy Speaker and Member of Parliament- now travelling), Shukri H. Ismail (Former National Electoral Commissioner and Member of African Democracy Forum and Chair of Candle Light); Ibrahim Jama Ali –Raite (Member of Parliament and Lawyer), Fawsi Sh. Yonis (Somaliland Lawyer’s Association); Abdi Ahmed Nour (Forum for Peace and Governance-FOBAG), Bobe Y. Duale (Research Coordinator, APD), Haroon H Ahmed Qulumbe (ActionAid), Jafar Mohamed Gadaweyne (SONSAF); Mohamed Hassan Ibrahim (Researcher-APD), Suad Ibrahim Abdi (Researcher-APD); Wais Muse (Executive Director of  Samatalis Coalition of Human Rights)), Dr. Mohamed Fadal, Director of (SORADI);Muse Abdi Elmi (U. of Hargeisa; Dean Academic Affairs) Dr. Yusuf Kariye (Researcher in  Anthropology; Hinda Mohamed Jama (an Associate of Burao University); Dr. Aden Abokor(Progressio Country Rep.)..

There is unity of purpose at last for all Somaliland political stakeholders to hold the Presidential election. The President provided the required leadership to have declared that the presidential election is going to be held, signed required laws and urged the citizens to take their new voting cards.  The Somaliland Electoral Commission is in full control of the preparation process and continues to enjoy sustained support and confidence from all key stakeholders. The opposition candidates are conducting their business with care and the two Houses of Parliament have furnished the necessary laws in a fast-track manner. The civil society has never been so fully engaged in partnership with the NEC and other key election stakeholder. That is a remarkable unity of purpose for Somaliland political actors and a maturing democratic culture.

II. Important NEC achievements so far: 
1. NEC set the date of the election in the shortest time possible from the date of the final endorsement of the 6-point Agreement on 25 November, 2009.  Very few people expected the new NEC to be so efficient to set voting date for June, 2010. It is a job well done and it will save us further headache down the road for other due elections.

2. NEC conducted  the Voter List Display and Card Replacement exercise. This process started on the 13^th of May, 2010 to continue for 7 days at 1210 Registration Stations (later Display Stations) in all regions of Somaliland, followed by 10 more days in which the display continued to take place at District Centres to give a chance for those who could not make it during the first 7 days.

3.  NEC staffed all its regional and Districts offices, completed contractual arrangements and forged a fruitful partnership with civil society.

4. NEC has relatively successfully managed the logistics of the display process. This exercise should give NEC a valuable learning opportunity to address the identified shortcomings in good time for the fast approaching Presidential election date. Contractors and regional and district NEC officials need to account for and rectify short-falls reported in different parts of the country.

III. NEC-Civil Society Partnership

NEC has succeeded to establish a meaningful partnership with the civil society. It is working closely with an advisory civil society group comprising of key Umbrellas such NAGAAD, CONSONGO, SONYO and SONSAF and the professional organizations for peace, governance and institution building such APD, FOBAG and SORADI. This advisory civil society group supports NEC primarily on three key areas of activity: the Voter Education, the Dispute Mediation process and the recruitment and deployment of local monitors and observers. NEC, in close coordination with the civil society advisory group, has assigned credible NGOs with requisite experience to different regions of Somaliland to implement Voter Education programmes, while members of the advisory group took the responsibility to monitor these activities. This exercise is to ensure that the Somaliland voters are fully informed of the various stages of election preparations such the display and card replacement exercise as well as about their voting day responsibilities.

Likewise a Dispute Mediation programme has been organized. 600 people selected from all Somaliland regions and districts have been trained to undertake on the spot conflict resolution activities at the display centres. Identifiable with their distinctive dress, which bears the insignia of MEDIATORS, they are active as mobile teams in most display centres. Each team is composed of a cross-section of the society including professional groups, the youth, women and non-titled elders. This is a very successful programme, which demonstrates how fruitful the NEC-Civil Society partnership could be. These 600 Mediators will also be deployed in the voting and tallying days of the Presidential election and shall remain a valuable resource for Somaliland to build on for future elections.

IV. The Voter List Display and Card Replacement Process

The “Server” is a household word in Somaliland, denoting the Voter Registration process. This experience brought out so vividly two contradictory sides of the Somaliland people. The capacity and aptitude to mobilize so fast and so intense for a national cause, especially when clan competition is brought into play, and this is a potent energy, which can be harnessed positively for nation building. It is believed that the Somaliland people including the diaspora spent much more resorces than all international input put together. However, the other side of the coin is the total disregard for the illegal nature of some of the rampant multiple registrations that took place. There is a need here for intense public education to inculcate the culture of the rule of law.

The Display and Card Replacement process was an attempt from side of NEC to overcome the negative effects, which the multiple registration acts could have on the upcoming elections. The process was smooth and peaceful in most of the designated areas except in some areas in Sool and Eastern Sanaag . It started slowly but has gradually picked up momentum during the last days. The later stage at the districts was also brisk in many areas. The summer heat situation of the coastal areas is definitely a concern, but also due to abundant rains and favourable pasture and water situation in the countryside, the nomadic population is widely scattered and is no longer in the traditional concentration areas such water points and rural commercial centres. Both factors may lower the number of registered voters who will claim their replacement cards and therefore the size of the final voter list.  

V. Current key Challenges

The display process was also kind of a dress rehearsal for the upcoming presidential election. It was a serious challenge, which NEC has successfully handled. However, ISG identified several flashpoints distilled from the impressions of its members, who conducted monitoring exercises for the Voter Education and the Mediation programmes, from the Eastern, Western and Central regions of Somaliland.

Security

According to the ISG information on the Sool situation, the display exercise went relatively well in Las Anod and in many other display stations across the region. However the insecurity in Buhoodle and Widhwidh could have repercussions on the elections if not managed responsibly. The ISG would like to point out that, in the aftermath of the disintegration of the state of Somalia, the burden of ensuring peace has fallen primarily on the shoulders of the traditional leaders of each society and therefore, in this situation the onus still lies with them. The Burao peace process in May 1991 should always serve as a shining example of what people can achieve through dialogue and responsible leadership.

The Somaliland government army is in the region. Although its reputation is established as a disciplined and responsible professional army and especially that of its sector commander is said to be exemplary, still their responsibility is not to antagonize the civilian population. In this backdrop, the ISG believes, that there are other Somali regional forces whose aims are served through the cultivation of hatred among communities to be able to easily incite conflict. The army in the area should see their primarily responsibility to uphold security not for the sake of it, but for the benefit of the local population and that will also ensure the security of Somaliland and contribute to that of the region.

Alleged Multiple Card-Holding

The ISG recognizes the possibility of multiple card-holding, which means that the card replacement process was not fool-proof. On the other hand the ISG also recognizes that Somaliland is still in the process of State-building, which is primarily learning by doing process and therefore the Voter Registration and display process should be viewed in that light. We also need to remind ourselves that many of our institutions have started in such shaky grounds including the first presidential elections in Burao in 1991 and Borame in 1993 as well as the selection process of the members of the two Houses of Parliament in 1993 and 1997. Today, these institutions are populated by democratically elected public officials. In the same token, we can improve the Voter Registration process in the future.

Furthermore, the following measures are expected to mitigate the effect of its short-comings: a) each voter’s name is checked from a register and list of names; b) a voting card with picture identification is issued c) A potent ink is applied on the figure of each voter; d) A ban on motorised traffic during the voting day will limit travel from one polling station to another; e) A team of 13 persons are in each polling station, including three political party representatives and 4 NEC staff members 2 Ministry of Interior representatives, 2 local monitors, 2 security guards and are supplemented by other international and local observers all deployed to deter fraudulent acts; f) It is only one-day exercise and voting repetition could be limited by the available  time. All the above put together can be a powerful deterrent against fraud and can ensure a credible voter result.

Transport of Election Material and personnel

The transport of materials and personnel for on-time delivery to remote polling stations is considered to be a challenge, which needs to be addressed by NEC. The available feedback from the display exercise should give an opportunity to improve that process. Contractors who failed to fulfil their contractual terms need to be accountable for that.

NEC Staff Selection and Accountability

From Somaliland election experience and there is already enough of it, the way each polling station is run is key to the success of the election: a) NEC should ensure that its staff are adequately trained and empowered for the job, sensitized well for the magnitude of their responsibility, well aware of applicable sanctions for dereliction of duty and should be provided with adequate logistical and security support. b) The rules are applied strictly uniformly in all polling stations and both individual and team accountability should be uniformly emphasized.

VI. The Election Campaign

The election campaign is a legitimate way of the candidates to present their election platforms and to express their edge against their opponents to sway voters to their favour and to earn their trust to rule.  It is equally a legitimate way for voters to screen and scrutinize their candidates to make up their mind who to vote for from the running three candidates. It is also a way of voters informing themselves of what each candidate stands for and whether that conforms to their vision of a national leader and the candidate addresses their interests and outlooks.

1. To avail themselves of that democratic privilege, the candidates and their parties are expected to uphold the peace and stability within communities and the society in general during the campaign, during the voting day and in the aftermath of the election. To refrain from hate language and any action leading to incite people to violence action; to avoid creating distrust among communities especially among the youth, which could be agitated to violent action. Political parties are expected to take responsibility of the actions of their supporters and to be accountable for breeching the campaign code of conduct.
2. To present party platforms and to a run mature democratic campaign

• Allow people to learn about what the rule of a particular party and leader will mean to them if elected.

• Discuss issues, which matter for the lives of the Somaliland people and move away from stale clan fragmentation approaches. Ultimately, communities of each city such as Hargeisa, whether in the north, west, south or east have same needs: water, security, schools for their children, health facilities etc. And so are all other towns, villages, rural communities etc

1. Address key national Issues:

• The issue of recognition and their strategy to pursue it.
• The issues of upcoming elections: the local government election to be held when in what system of election? The election of the parliament and pending election law; the issue of the House of Elders election/selection.
• The issue of the debate on new political parties and the independent candidates.
• Issues of youth unemployment and migration; Environment; Health, water and HIV-Aids etc

1. A joint debate for the three national candidates organized by a neutral body or media organization:

• It will add value to Somaliland democracy and legitimacy of the election result
• It will show the maturity Somaliland leadership and its own voters
• It will sharpen the focus of the winner to lead the nation and to be clear of what really matters to the populace.

1. Candidates need to openly denounce and warn their supporters of any illegal ways of voting seeking such as: Vote buying, ballot stuffing, and multiple voting.

VIII. Conclusion

Judging from the debate raging in the of Somaliland major population centres, there shall be a high turn-out for the election. The hope to conduct it fairly, freely and peacefully is in everybody’s mind and therefore is both the citizen’s, political parties and their government’s responsibility to ensure it. The authorities will ultimate claim its successes as they rightly do for all past elections and need to be in tune with the people.   

The distribution of voter registration cards enters its final phase as the process receives overwhelming public support. The opposition parties praised this crucial step of Somaliland’s democratization. The international community is behind it and the Diaspora Somalilanders congratulated the Electoral Commission for their remarkable achievements particularly their neutrality. But even before the the distribution of the voter cards begun, only one party attacked the credibility of the process in its entirety. The governing party UDUB declared its position long before any failure occurred in replacing the voter registration cards. Putting the wagon before the horse, they rejected the whole process before the commission announced the voter card distribution process.

They did not even consider the significance it has for the nation having legitimate elections in this infant nation. The existence of this card itself is a recognition we believe is long over due. At the same time, President Rayale repeatedly declared his desire that this nation should have an election they deserve but it seems that his ministers and governors are adopting a totally different policy in direct conflict with the president’s views. The president signed the exact date of the election on June 26th, a historic day of this country. The president accepted internationally brokered six point deal including the outcome of the server, but the question on whose behalf are these heads are working for? There is no shred of doubt they are representing and expressing the views of the president which accepted the commissions decisions at face value. The ministers of agriculture, justice, interior, the police chief, governors of Hargeisa and Burao, UDUB party official particularly the spokesman, and UDUB campaign manager all attacked the process of card distribution, the integrity of the Electoral Commission. Contrary to the president’s public view, these officials launched a concerted character assignation against the Commission.

Why is Rayale saying something and his ministers doing the exact opposite. The contradiction does not any sense of course and may confuse those who do not follow Somaliland politics. It only takes few minutes to look back in history of Rayale government’s actions. The true opinion of the President and his actions can be gauged, not from what he says publicly but from the actions of his ministers. That is to say Rayale’s government is not ready for an election regardless of whether it can or cannot win. The administration simply wants to continue in the unconstitutional term-extension path legitimized by the unelected upper house of the parliament (Guurti).

It is election Time; yes it is good to hear that we will have our long waited election. Did you make your mind and think on who you will give your vote too?? You should thing twice and look to who is running for this election first; look closely to what that candidate will offer to the country not just for himself and his immediate family. Asking him what his vision, what his plans does he have a plan to improve our country, and does he have plans on how to solve all problems that we have?

We should thing at large as Somali Landers, not by our individual tribe, don’t say I am from that tribe and the candidate is from the same tribe so I will vote for him, even if he doesn’t have any vision or plan, please think twice before you do that… We should be one nation and one people, we should be Somalilanders. Forget about tribe, we should thing as a citizen of Somaliland so we progress.

If we want to achieve recognition we need to work hard to improve our country, we need to have all necessary things to be a country, we need to have, electricity, water hospitals, good roads, good education, strong legislations, recreation centers, and all other basic things that our humble families should have.
Our candidate should be creative, he should find ways to create jobs to our citizen, and he should try to find alternatives and solutions to the thousands of Somaliland citizen who doesn’t have any jobs. Our Candidate should fight what they called “Gat” I am sure this is what makes our people lazy, less productive, and it is the main reason that our men forget about their families, most of their time they spend eating or Jaw “Gat”. Our candidate should have a good plan on how to eliminate or stop this bad habit from our society, so our people become more productive.
If you think about this and just look closely how many millions we are give to Ethiopia monthly from “Gat”, you will get upset, why our government allow that, why they didn’t s stop that. It is a question needs an answer, and I hope someone will answer me.

Lastly, I hope from the elected president that he will look after his people think and wisely on how to lift up our country.

Yusuf Abdullah
Nokia Siemens NetWork
Zain Iraq Project
Tel : +965 97287908

 The much anticipated Presidential polls of Somaliland that had been repeatedly procrastinated by the failed and repugnant Riyale administration is finally seem to be afoot with the people of Somaliland are going to the polls in June next month to choose a new President; with the national political parties of  the country – have mostly recently inked the Election Code of Conduct in the presence of the high commands of the political parties, the chairman of the National Election Commission of Somaliland, the Somaliland’s Speaker of Parliament, the chairperson of the Election of Commission of Ghana and  a host of dignitaries drawn from the civil society. 

With the political parties signing the Code of Conduct for the upcoming elections in Somaliland is a reflection of good augury for the polls to take place in a dignified fashion .And the people of Somaliland who had been waiting to go to the polls to exercise their franchise at the ballet – box – have ecstatically applauded the signing of the Code of Conduct and termed it as a turning point for Somaliland’s democratic governance and its existence as a sovereign State. 
 

Previously, Somaliland‘s Presidential elections were originally scheduled to be held in April 2008. But Riyale administration was granted 18 months through the bicameral legislature’s unelected House of Elders – using means whose constitutionality is questionably at the best. 

President Riyale’s insistence delays result solely from logistical problem with orchestrating the elections has been disingenuous. Somaliland has held credible elections before with less institutional capacity than it has today. Logistical hurdles and incompetence were real problems, but they result largely from the government’s total failure to meet its responsibilities. The Riyale administration obtained an initial one – and – half-year extension of its mandate in 2008 in order to have a second chance at organising the polls and then squandered. 
 

Once the extension given to the President Riyale has come to an end without making the elections agreed to be held in September 2009 to materialise, he and his henchmen willfully instigated a pandemonium and turbulence in the Election Commission of Somaliland by insisting that the outcome of the voter registration list yielded by the Election Commission in association with the techno-experts from the Interpeace agency is bogus and is not conducive to the universal suffrage, and therefore, cannot be used it for the polls. The President had unilaterally discarded the voter registration list on which hundreds of bucks have been spent without the consultation with the leaders of the opposition parties, who had been previously unhappy over the repeatedly delayed elections.

These, however, again kept the people of Somaliland living in and outside of the country on the tenterhooks. And were worried what might happen, because Riyale and his henchmen were always seemed truculent, which finally led to street protests against the unilaterally invalidation of the voter registration list in which innocent protesters had been killed and others were wounded. 

Somaliland’s constantly delayed elections and weaseled out of  the agreements struck by the political  parties – by the  Riyale administration – had come in for worldwide criticism  and at the same time called into question the Somaliland’s readiness for democratisation process.  

The credit goes to the current National Election Commission who is unlike its predecessor, who tarnished the Somaliland’s hard – earned image and reputation in which it has enjoyed over the years. The erstwhile Election Commission was the reason for the bone of contention and that they failed to convince the opposition parties to reason out its continually postponed polls. But they seemed to have been dictated terms by the Riyale administration – and were allegedly in receipt of kick backs, and further its integrity and sincerity were highly questionable at the best. The incumbent Election Commission is so far doing its tasks and responsibilities with which they are entrusted wholeheartedly and enthusiastically. More so, its tasks have impressed the people as well as the political parties of Somaliland.  

The incumbent Election Commission of Somaliland is unlike its predecessor for a number of reasons: firstly, they are young, energetic, dynamic and active and result oriented. Secondly, they are unbiased and don’t have vested interest as in the case of its former, and in addition, there is level playing field for its members in the deliberation on the issues pertaining to the election arrangements. Thirdly, they are aware of the responsibility with which they are delegated is very challenging, and if they fail to carry out its tasks accordingly they know where the buck stops meaning if something goes wrong they would be held accountable. 

We’re well aware of that the frequently stalled elections had tarnished the Somaliland’s image and that it is incumbent upon the Election Commission of Somaliland not only to hold the elections as intended, but also must ensure a free and fair elections be held across Somaliland in accordance with the international benchmark; and this is the only thing I believe the Somaliland’s stained image be restored.  

Mostly recently the high command of the ruling party – UDUB has made no bones about its dissatisfaction with the result produced by the Server and that rumours are doing the rounds that UDUB wants to return to power once again through political manipulation.  
 

However, the international community is training its eyes on the forth coming of Somaliland’s elections – and that the National Election Commission should at any cost avoid what is provoking a bone of contention as is happened before. And make the elections happen as scheduled without further delay. 

Mukhtar Mohamed Abby

India, Karnataka State

The writer can be reached at mukhtarcabi@hotmail.com 

The new cards, which the NEC says were printed in South Africa after the voter registration list clean up process was concluded, are much more difficult to fake. The cards that are currently in the hands of the voters, unlike the new cards that will replace them, were printed and laminated on site during the voter registration program more than a year ago at various registration stations throughout the country. That registration process, the first ever in Somaliland, was fraught with many obstacles including technical problems.

The NEC has already started training students and teachers across the nation on the distribution of the new cards and collect old ones which is planned to start Monday, May 10, 2010. According to Horyaal Radio, however, the ruling party UDUB and its Government appointed officials in Erigabo, Sanaag, have blocked the training program in that city demanding their own hand picked trainees to be included in the list of trainees which the NEC approved earlier for the training.

Elsewhere in Hargeisa, UDUB party spokesperson was jeered by the audience at a commemoration ceremony for the death of late president Egal. He faced a hostile audience after he appeared to say that his party, essentially the Government, will boycott the election. The spokesperson accused the NEC of using the same electoral lists which his party rejected a year ago. “If [the NEC] is willing to hold the election in June, we are even ready for it in May” Ali Guray said at the  ceremony, to which the audience initially responded with cheerful applause. However he added “The six point agreement [between the parties] was for the previous voter list to be reviewed, re-examined and cleaned to finally produce a corrected and cleansed voter list allowing every Somaliland citizen the right to vote once.”

Referring to the newly printed cards he said “A million and two hundred cards were printed. Seventy thousand registrants, mostly underage children, were removed from the list.” He continued that  96 thousand registransts originally set aside from the original list were reduced by only 12 thousand and added to the overall list.  He alleged that there is a net increase in the voter registration indicating that was not what UDUB wanted instead expecting a much smaller list than the final one adopted by the NEC. He said “We will not accept. We will not tell our people that this is a corrected and cleansed list”. The audience after hearing these words immiadately turned hostile and started jeering and whistling him. He howerver suddenly changed his tune and declared that “We [UDUB party] accept to  participate in the election with the [new] NEC list”.

Distortion, Lies and Hyperbole: In Response to Gregory R. Copley’s article “Somaliland’s Presidential Election Assumes Growing Priority as Major Powers Sense Strategic Urgency of the Horn Situation”.

At such a critical juncture in Somaliland’s history, when a level- headed, intelligent and reasoned approach to solving the Country’s numerous problems is needed – it is most unfortunate that both time and energy is wasted by some upon the irrelevant and down right ridiculous. Gregory R. Copely’s article recently reproduced in the Government friendly SomalilandPress blog entitled; “Somaliland’s Presidential Election Assumes Growing Priority as Major Powers Sense Strategic Urgency of the Horn Situation” is such case in point. The article is so baseless and without root in neither fact or reason that it is at best laughable, if not downright juvenile, irresponsible and defamatory.

Beyond fermenting short-term “blogosphere” discussions, this UDUB backed non-sequitur attempt at mud-slinging will do little to cause any real consternation amongst the Kulmiye Party, nor in Washington, London or Brussels.  More importantly, it will also not distract the voting population from the serious task at hand; namely, the peaceful and democratic transfer of power away from a repressive, brutal and evidently, increasingly desperate UDUB administration.

Before turning to the substance [or lack-thereof] of the article itself, it is worth trying to acquaint ourselves with the author.  Mr. Copley, a “late-in-the-day” pundit on Somaliland Affairs – is a man so far to the right of the political spectrum that some observers note he makes Eleanor Roosevelt look like ex Vice-President Dick Cheney.

Interestingly, if not utterly bizarrely, Somaliland.Press obsequiously lauds him as the current day nineteenth century British colonial Cecil J. Rhodes; specifically applauding his “imperial” qualities in their web pages. As the “Great White Hope”, the fact that the majority of the rest of the world views the original founder of the De Beers diamond company and the patriarch of British African colonialism, as a violent, greedy and brutal racist – who plundered and looted Africa’s natural wealth guided by overwhelming zealousness to settle, conquer, and colonize everywhere from Cape Town to Cairo – all in the name of “Empire” is sadly lost upon the salivating, and clearly misinformed editors of SomalilandPress.

Mr. Copley’s public domain website will quickly detail his numerous meetings, accolades, and prolific (if not now somewhat dated) privately-run neo-conservative think-tanks/journals [including, GIS, International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) and the Defence & Foreign Affairs Daily]. Upon first look, one can momentarily understand the giddiness of Somaliland.Press and other supporters of the Riyaale regime. A cursory glance of Mr. Copley’s site would seemingly reinforce gravitas of the author, and for fans of the “Great White Hope” such as Somaliland.Press, that would surely mean that any opinion he may have, however illegitimate, unfounded and outlandish must surely carry some weight?

In fact, the reality is very different. Mr. Copley has time and again stayed true to his ultra-conservative and often radical views, which have proven time and again completely at odds with prevailing thinking.

Most controversially, in September 2003, with respect to the Balkan crisis, Mr. Copley publicly lambasted the internationally respected Paddy Ashdown – then High Representative in Bosnia & Herzegovina and ex-leader of the British Liberal Party, for supporting a detailed report into the mass killings of Bosnian Muslims -  in effect, what turned out to be known as the Srebrenica Massacre of July 1995 in which 8,000 men and boys were killed, and between 25,000 – 30,000 refugees were “ethnically cleansed” from the area of Srebrenica by units of the Army of Republika Srpska under the command of international war criminal, General Ratko Mladic.  In Mr. Copley’s radical and callous opinion, the atrocities were merely “alleged” and “all proper investigations of the Srebrenica affair in fact showed the Islamist claim to be unsubstantiated and in many respects, without foundation at all” [Copley, ISSA, Sep 8, 2003].

In the face of the largest mass murder in Europe since World War II – later internationally legally determined as Genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – the world moved at the time to remember the dead with a shrine. Mr. Copley vehemently objected to this arguing that “memorialising the radical Islamist allegations about events in Srebrenica” was unhelpful. Even the United States, who had contributed funds to the proposed shrine, was not spared criticism. Particular venom was directed at President Clinton whom in Mr. Copley’s topsy-turvy thinking had done much to support “illegal radical Islamist activities in Bosnia during the 1990s” [Ibid].

Around the same time, Mr. Copley bizarrely wrote at length about his fear of “the attempt to create a Muslim belt from the Adriatic Sea, up into the heart of Europe”, he noted that it “has been known for many decades by the Islamists as the green transverse – the green standing for the Muslim colour and transverse meaning a line or path on the ascendant” [Defence & Foreign Affairs Daily, 2003]. Whilst Somaliland should quite rightly be extremely aware of the national and international dangers posed by radical Islam or any other form of radicalism (which the Kulmiye Party has spoken candidly on numerous occasions), – a pattern emerges of an almost pathological and at times utterly delusional fear running through core of Mr. Copley’s simplistic, and often utterly misguided Manichean “them and us” bi-polar world view.

Whether it is his rabid support for the Iraq War (at the time arguing that the ultra-right wing and deeply unpopular ex-Australian Prime Minister, John Howard was justified in going to war since Australia had “much at stake in the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea regions” [Defence & Foreign Affairs, Mar 2004]); or calling the internationally respected ex-Chief of the UN’s International Atomic Agency, Hans Blix a “lair” for not following the neo-con line on the non-existent weapons of mass destruction; or his earlier denial of the Bosnian genocide -  clearly, a profile emerges of Mr. Copley as a man whose view on anything should be taken at best with a pinch of salt, or alternatively consigned to irrelevance along with the demise of the rest of the neo-conservative movement.

Whilst reviewing Mr. Copley’s recent book, “The Art of Victory”, the venerable Hong Kong based Asian Times tellingly observed that whilst the book may have its merits, it makes sweeping generalisations and is painfully “short on specifics…[and] provides no details” [Asian Times, Jan 13, 2007]. The same can be said of Mr. Copley’s misjudged and unfounded article on Somaliland, and in particular his unwarranted defamatory attack on the much respected Kulmiye Party and its leadership.

Given the fact that the Kulmiye Party is an organisation internationally recognised as one of the most liberal, democratic, transparent and most popular political parties in Somaliland today; many observers will not recognise the baseless caricature Mr. Copley fails miserably to paint.  Quite tellingly, if not rather worryingly, the core tenets of Mr. Copley’s argument whilst posturing as “non-partisan” international analysis, will be recognisable to even the most non-seasoned political observer as little more than a near verbatim regurgitation of the same tired and baseless negative political line of the much discredited UDUB regime, propagated by them for the past several years to little effect. Namely, that the Kulmiye Party is (oddly, contradictorily in Mr Copley’s article) both too pro-Western and then anti Western; linked to Islamic extremism; secret Unionists at heart (with Somalia) and Democratic spoilers.

Even the international community is not saved Mr. Copley’s vitriolic criticism as he warns of “active foreign interference to manipulate the electorate rolls”. The articles decent into the absurd is almost complete when the entire European Community (EC) is consigned to the role of Agitator-in-Chief with UK diplomats singled out by Copley for blame as busily plotting whilst Prime Minister Gordon Brown is “distracted” by elections back home.

From early on, Mr Copley had made his affinity for the internationally unpopular Riyaale regime clear. In contradistinction to almost every other seasoned observer and as far back as 2006, Mr. Copley was keen to sing the praises of the Riyaale regime as a “successful and stable” entity [ISSA, June 7, 2006].  In turn, President Riyaale was only more than happy to pander to the prevailing – if somewhat well founded – fear of radicalisation in the region by falsely representing himself as a bulwark against encroaching Islamists (a tactic which has failed to work in the long-run as he grows internationally isolated and increasingly despised nationally).

With the ready availability of the “Islamist” tag, Riyaale’s cynical paradigm usefully attempted (but miserably failed) to consign any legitimate political opposition to his oppressive regime to the fringes. Given Mr. Copley’s previous track record, it is not then too surprising that he was clearly more than ready to take up such a mantle by ridiculously linking the Kulmiye Party to Shabaab without producing a single piece of corroborative evidence.

The reference to Kulmiye’s so called thinly veiled “unionist” agenda is also lazy if not completely laughable. Unlike Mr. Copley, neither the people of Somaliland nor its seasoned international observers and friends need a history lesson on the divergent roles played by President Dahir Riyaale – Siad Barre’s ex. National Secret Service (NSS) chief, and Presidential Candidate Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, the ex. Chairman of the Somali National Movement (SNM) and a highly respected and decorated Somali Statesmen of almost 40 years.

Their respective roles during the years of struggle to obtain freedom from Mogadishu’s tyranny; the foundation of Somaliland as an independent country; as well as sacrifices made to maintain the peace and stability of Somaliland remains a question of public knowledge and does not need further expansion here.   A rhetorical question Mr. Copley may wish to consider – which other country in the world has witnessed a Presidential election being decided on the margin of 80 votes – amidst allegations of widespread mass rigging, and the challenger walking away, as Mr. Silanyo had done?

Regardless of the controversy which surrounded Riyaale’s initial election or the subsequent seemingly endless unconstitutional extensions to his term – Mr. Copley is happy to underscore that President Riyaale was voted by “popular vote”, and at one stage almost positively gushes that UDUB is “the only political organization in Somaliland which has had practical experience in government” – almost as a justification for their continued existence in perpetuity.

However, and somewhat oddly, Mr. Copley utterly fails to contextualise this or even acknowledge this is only the case because UDUB was originally created by an incumbent President/government (the now deceased and much respected venerable President Egal), and later inherited by a much weaker successor UDUB administration led by the ex-Policemen and current incumbent Dahir Riyaale.  More importantly, it is an administration which has until to this present day patently refused to submit themselves time and time again to the democratic will of the people since its controversial election in 2003 – the classic text-book autocratic modus-operandi.

At one stage, almost seemingly apologetic for the UDUB regime, Mr Copley implicitly supports the continued one-party rule and the postponement of elections, cryptically noting that “some observers” (as always we never go beyond the abstract) question against the “wisdom” of “pushing for elections” since the “three parties competing for the presidency have dramatically-varied experience” and “voter education” has not been undertaken. Which observers might that be Mr. Copley?

A point seemingly completely lost to Mr. Copley – it is this very peace and security won on the backs of the blood of countless innocent men, women and children which is now at risk because of UDUB’s policies and specifically, President Riyaale’s myopic and increasingly maniacal autocratic obsession with holding onto power at all costs.

Unlike the obstructionist, interfering and divided international community that Mr. Copley seems to describe in his article, the very opposite is true.  The international community remains focused, unified and committed to maintaining Somaliland’s fragile democracy and peace. Under the auspices of the International Democratisation Programme Steering Committee (USAID (US), DFID (UK), EC, Norway, SIDA (Sweden), Denmark and Switzerland); the international community continues to work in the interests of the Somaliland people, with all the political parties including Kulmiye, to exert necessary pressure on the ruling administration to conduct free and fair elections as soon as possible.

Unlike Mr. Copley who unfairly apportions the blame for the non-existent elections “as a result of lack of preparation on the part of the three national parties” -the rest of the international community does not remain so blinkered and has witnessed President Riyaale’s illegitimate extension of term beyond his limit by capitalising on his quid-pro-quo relationship with the unelected (and unlawfully extended) Upper House.

The US State Department 2009 Somaliland report noted; “[b]beginning in 2006 Riyale initiated a process to extend the mandate of the unelected upper house of parliament, the Guurti, for four years. In April 2008 [and March 2009] the Guurti postponed presidential and local elections and extended President Riyale’s term in office”.

More ominously, the New York based Human Rights Watch warned as far back as last year that; “the most important caveat to everything Somaliland has achieved and the one thing that threatens those gains in the short-term is the Presidency’s consistent and brazen refusal to abide by the rule of law” [HRW Somaliland Rep Jul 2009].

The concerns of the international community on the future stability of Somaliland under UDUB, was relayed to Presidential candidate Mr. Silanyo in his recent visit to the United States in January 2010.  Upon the invitation of US Government, Mr. Silanyo met with esteemed members of Congress, State Department, and various international policy groups and Think Tanks. Mr Silanyo was also awarded with a special Congressional Commendation by the State of Minnesota for services to democracy and Somaliland. A similar request for a visit by the Riyaale administration quickly on the heels of Mr. Silanyo’s visit was reportedly flatly rejected by the United States. A clear signal as any of Washington’s displeasure and UDUB’s increasing isolation. Again, it seems historical facts are hardly in keeping with Mr. Copley vision of the world.

At the recent Congressional sub-committee hearings on Africa and Global Health (March 2010), Committee Chairman Congressman Donald Payne once again spoke at length about the United States serious concerns regarding Somaliland. It is most unfortunate that the current Riyaale administration continues to undermine Somaliland’s relationship with one of its most influential and crucial friends.

Commitment to Africa under the new Obama Administration (building on the efforts of Presidents Clinton and Bush) has redoubled. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) – a preferential program designed to spur increased African imports to the U.S. and build African trade capacity — and the President’s $48 billion Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) are designed to dramatically reshape the discourse and the depth of U.S.-Africa policy. As made clear to Mr Silanyo by Congressman Payne and others during his recent visit to Washington, Somaliland will only be able to access much development and investment resources if there is a credible, democratic and viable government in Somaliland. As proven by previous practice and made abundantly clear on numerous occasions, this is evidently not the current Riyaale administration.

With scant disregard for the rule of law, human rights or democratic ideals – the Riyaale administration has sought to trample on the people’s right to freedom of expression, assembly, liberty and security.  As the US State Department noted recently, the actions of the UDUB administration utterly “contradict democratic principles”. The report especially noted increased media harassment, excessive use of force, and the constant harassment of the opposition members.

“On several occasions Somaliland security personnel prevented opposition political parties from meeting with supporters and from holding public rallies. For example, on April 6, Somaliland police prevented opposition supporters from holding peaceful processions to commemorate Somalia National Movement Day. Police fired in the air and would not allow party leaders to address their supporters. Security agents often prevented opposition parties from organizing public gatherings and demonstrations.”

[US State Dep Somaliland Human Rights Report, 2009]

In his utterly misguided article, Mr. Copley specifically falsely singles out three internationally respected individuals in the Kulmiye Party as having Islamist affiliations without cause or basis; Mr. Abdul-Aziz Samaale, Dr Mohamed Abdi Gaboose, and Mr. Mohamed Hashi Elmi. One wonders at what point during their very public and open careers did they suddenly volte-face to join the nefarious forces of Islamist ideology, Mr. Copley?

With respect to Mr. Samaale, the highly intelligent, measured and much respected Deputy First Speaker of Parliament needs no biographic deconstruction to rebut the slanderous allegations made against him. Beyond spearheading the efforts to curb President Riyaale’s lust for unfettered power in Parliament, one wonders what led Mr. Copley (and his background advisers and shadowy “observers”) to reach such an unfounded conclusions?

The two others named individuals, Dr Gabose and Eng. Hashi remain lions of Somaliland history whose record speaks for itself and will not be distracted by the defamatory and baseless allegations made against them by Mr. Copley. Dr Gabose is a renowned neurologist and former Minister in both the Somaliland and pre-secession Somalia governments. Mr. Hashi, is a Civil Engineer, and ex Minister of Somaliland. Interestingly, the common denominator once again here is a shared vision to stand up for democracy in the face of UDUB’s dictatorial tendencies.

Both Dr Gabose and Mr Hashi were previously arbitrarily arrested by President Riyaale for having the temerity to want start a democratic and secular political party. The resulting public outcry at their arrest included 2 people dead and five people injured in the furore surrounding their arrest. International condemnation quickly followed with the involvement of the Government of United Kingdom and Amnesty International deeming them “Prisoners of Conscience”.

More broadly, Amnesty International also noted at the time that the Somaliland government had exploited “justifiable fear against “security attacks” to justify arbitrary arrest, detention without charge or trial and surveillance of members of civil society” [AI Somaliland Report, Mar 2009].  They also expressed concerned on the proliferation of so called “security committees” carrying out those arrests and detentions without any “oversight of national justice mechanisms” [Ibid].

Time and time again, the Riyaale UDUB administration has demonstrated a wilful disregard for international human rights and obligations, the Somaliland Constitution and the rule of law. Compounded by the arbitrary arrest and detention of journalists, excessive use of force against civilians, and the constant harassment of opposition members, both the vast majority of the Somaliland population and the watching international community have had enough. All bona-fide observers await the upcoming elections with relish, determination and hope that real change will come.

It is a shame that Mr. Copley could not use his good offices to add something more positive and constructive to the debate and but has instead fallen prey, once again, to irrational and ill considered theories which will once more, fall on deaf ears.

END

Dr Ismail Adan

ismailadan69@yahoo.com